Elizabeth Cady Stanton - HISTORY
Many people know Susan B. Anthony as the woman on the dollar coin who she also fought for women's rights in education, marriage, the workplace, Susan B Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton Lisa is the Director of Tourism Marketing, Licensing and Public Relations of Empire State Development. In , Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton met in Seneca Falls, NY. Theirs is one of the more consequential relationships of the 19th century and that in , a letter of Anthony to Stanton herself reached the public market. Susan B. Anthony campaigned for women's rights for half a century, laying the BREAKING: Stock Futures Rise Modestly After Big Market Sell-Off . In , Anthony met Elizabeth Cady Stanton in Seneca Falls, N.Y., after a and would only engage in activities and relationships that would further them.
InSusan B. On Stanton's death, Anthony related that Stanton had "forged the thunderbolts" that she had fired. Theirs is one of the more consequential relationships of the 19th century and images of them together are synonymous with the women's suffrage movement. Their goal was not simply to secure women equal rights, but to elevate the women pioneers of their movement to equal status as male historical figures.
Volume 3 was published in Among the women honored in the work was Dr. Alice Bennett, who in she became the first woman to obtain a Ph. In she was the first woman to be elected president of the Montgomery County Pennsylvania Medical Society. And why should there not be. Love is spiritual, only passion is sexual. Since Howland was herself romantically involved with women, Grew's conviction that Howland "comprehended and appreciated" her relationship with Burleigh "as few persons do" may have conveyed a special recognition between them of an unnamed identity.
Under the guise of romantic friendships, such relationships might still be widely condoned in the nineteenth century. They were acknowledged by many observers as an "affection passing the love of men.
Grew was for many years a high official in anti-slavery societies. Like most female antislavery lecturers who were agents for the American Anti-Slavery Society, she never married in the conventional sense, but she lived most of her adult life with Margaret Burleigh, a schoolteacher. Burleigh also worked closely with Grew, both in the antislavery movement and for women's rights. After the Civil War, inthey fought side by side against the move to disband the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society, on whose executive committee they both served.
Their argument was radical at the time: To their abolitionist and suffrage acquaintances, Mary and Margaret made no secret of the fact that they shared both a home and a bed. Nor did they hide from their friends their general distrust of heterosexual relations and the married state. To young William Lloyd Garrison II, who was contemplating marriage, Mary preached, "When I say that I think you are qualified to be a good husband, I think I say a great deal, for that manner of man is rare.
Once Grew turned to the cause of women's rights, she became a leading figure in that movement as well. She fought successfully for a married woman's property law in Pennsylvania. She was the founding president of the Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association in and continued as president untiland she became the national president of the American Woman Suffrage Association in Almost until her death at the age of eighty-three, she was a dynamic and popular speaker for social causes.
The suffragist Emily Howland Isabel's aunt spoke of the admiration of Grew's fellow workers in the movement in summing up her life on her eightieth birthday, in Anthony began her public career as a lecturer for the American Anti-Slavery Society and the temperance movement.
She turned to the cause of women's rights inafter being denied permission to speak at a temperance rally because she was a woman. As a result of that experience, she helped form an all-women's temperance organization, and there began her close working relationship with Elizabeth Cady Stanton.
Stanton led Anthony even further into women's rights issues as they began organizing state and national women's rights conventions and presenting formal demands to the New York legislature for improvement of that state's laws on married women's property. Before they could begin their daily work, however, Anthony had to help the overburdened Stanton with housekeeping and care of her seven children so they might, as Anthony described it, "sit up far into the night preparing our ammunition and getting ready to move on the enemy.
Though a wife and mother, Stanton characterized it in terms that were almost romantic and revealed the depth of emotion that spurred them on in their shared work: Anthony could more easily travel for the cause.
In the years after the Civil War, it was she who could invest the most time in working for an amendment to the Constitution that would grant suffrage to all American women and not just to the male freedmen. InAnthony and Stanton called the first post-Civil War women's suffrage convention, which resulted in the formation of the National Woman Suffrage Association. Their organization quickly split with less radical women suffragists over the Fifteenth Amendment.
Anthony was especially angry that regardless of their level of education, women were denied the vote, while the freedmen, who were largely illiterate, were enfranchised by virtue of being male. It was one more bitter reminder of women's devaluation. But the issue was not one of race for her; she maintained close relationships with African-American woman suffrage leaders such as Mary Church Terrell and Ida Wells, and she often raised the concerns of African-American women before her largely white suffrage organization.
Anthony became the driving force of woman suffrage for the next four decades, traveling widely and constantly to promote the cause virtually until her death, inbringing one generation of younger women after another into the movement.
She indisputably earned the posthumous honor of having the Nineteenth Amendment, which granted American women the vote, named after her. Anthony was far more radical in her public pronouncements than many of the women's rights activists who followed her.
Her speeches often gave vent to her fury at historical and contemporary heterosexual arrangements. In an lecture that she called "The True Woman," she complained that women had never been treated fairly by men.
She decried the barbarism of the past, when women had been degraded to "merchantable property The "true woman" of the future, she insisted, would not lean upon a husband, but rather would know that "bread and strength and happiness are sure only to the self-producer. Perhaps to counterbalance her fierce challenge to gender notions, Anthony attempted to appear ladylike on the platform, usually wearing a modest black silk dress.
Yet despite her drag and though she was not at all masculine, her militancy inspired the antisuffragists to call her "a grim Old Gal with a manly air. Anthony argued that the woman who had been called "manly" was simply the woman who was fully human.Women in the 19th Century: Crash Course US History #16
In the ideal future, such a woman would be considered entirely equal to men, and men would develop "womanly" qualities such as gentleness, sympathy; and affection.
Despite those expressed hopes for the future, however, Anthony and many of her fellow suffragists preferred to love those who already had such excellent "womanly" qualities.
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady | Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Elizabeth Stanton, perhaps wishing to explain away the fact of her friend's spinsterhood, remarked in The History of Woman Suffrage that "the outpourings of Miss Anthony's love element all flowed into the suffrage movement.
Though Anthony was hated by the antisuffragists and was often in conflict with those who made up the rival suffrage group, the American Woman Suffrage Association, she was adored by women throughout the country, certainly as a leader but also in a much more personal way.
Anna Dickinson was one of several women who caused Anthony to reciprocate that affection intensely. The emotional, playful, and erotic letters between Anthony and Dickinson in the s demonstrate that their relationship transcended by far their mutual political interests. Anthony; it appears to have been the younger woman who was the aggressor. She wrote Anthony a charmed and charming loverlike missive in Well, I will at least put down a little fragment of my foolish self and send it to look up at you.
Anthony served as its strategist. Historians have noted that their respective strengths complemented each other. Equally significant is the different approaches they took to securing rights for women. Anthony was single-minded in her quest for the vote as the stepping stone that would provide women access to all other rights.
If only women could vote and hold public office, they would then be able to self-advocate: Women could vote for candidates with policies that empower and support women and their families. They could press for changes to laws related to marriage, divorce, and custody for children. Women could help enact any number of provisions that would give them more power and influence in society. If only they had the vote. She began discussing this subject early in her work as a reformer. Prohibitions against rigorous academic training for girls and women thwarted their intellectual growth and thus the levels of personal and social development they could achieve.
The tradition of single-sex education further exacerbated this problem. The respective weaknesses of men and women which Stanton believed were not natural to each gender but nurtured by social norms and values were reinforced when they were deprived of interaction.
This perpetuated the imbalance of power based on gender. Without properly exercising their intellectual powers and being challenged to make difficult academic and moral distinctions, women were unable to function as independent decision-makers. This harmed not only women as individuals, but also the social institutions they are a part of: The family, the local community, and the state.
In this sense, Stanton laid the foundation for what would later be called liberal feminism, a school of feminist thought which maintains that women are more similar to men than they are different from them.
Thus, it aims for equal treatment of men and women, particularly in matters related to education, employment, pay equity and political participation. Among the most controversial was divorce. She was under none of the popular illusions that marriage was a blessed institution that, fairytale-like, brought out the best in people.
She resented the suggestion that a virtuous and patient woman could persuade—through her love, faith or virtue—a domineering, alcoholic or abusive man to become a more kind and considerate husband.
Their own moral character was compromised, as was the overall moral tone of their home and family. Speaking in favor of pending legislation in New York that would liberalize divorce policies, Stanton said that rather than prevent a woman from leaving an abusive and alcoholic husband, the law should prohibit such men from getting married. Such a policy would go much farther toward protecting the institution of marriage than the laws that prevailed in the day were able to do.
This is a branch of feminist thought that focuses on the differences between men and women. It concludes that, whether natural or socially constructed, gender distinctions are used to reinforce male dominance and female submission. They also venture into territory that Stanton and her contemporaries only dared to hint at in the age of Victorian propriety: Domestic violence, rape, incest, pornography, and prostitution.
The aim of dominance feminism is to overturn the male power structure that makes these abuses of women possible. Men thus became like monarchs ruling over all classes of society, who could readily wield tyrannical force, if they willed to do so.
New York Equal Rights Pioneers: Susan B. Anthony
All the other social inequalities that concerned Stanton trickled down from this one arena—that of legal and political rights. Significantly, when Stanton spoke in favor of universal suffrage—that is, of extending voting rights to not only all African American males but also to all women—after the Civil War, she cautioned against maintaining distinctions among the various classes of people in society.
The entire class of African Americans held in slavery had been prohibited from voting since the founding of the country.
As legislators considered extending the franchise, Stanton implored them to erase all similar social distinctions. Women should no longer be treated as a separate class of individuals who are prohibited from voting any more than newly freed African Americans should.
On American soil, Stanton said, all citizens were to be granted equal consideration in this way. This stance, too, created some friction for Stanton as the post-Civil War discourse on voting rights got underway. While other suffragists, like Lucy Stone, were willing to consider partial suffrage, which would allow women to vote on local issues of concern to them, like education or municipal budgets, Stanton and Anthony held firm: Women are equal in all ways to men and should be treated as such.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815—1902)
At times they displayed their own class biases on this point. Why should an ignorant and uneducated man of any race be granted the right to vote in all matters when well-educated and cultured women were allowed to vote only about matters like school policies and local road construction?
Stanton and Anthony saw the writing on the wall, as such, and held to insisting on female suffrage until the very last legislators had cast their vote. Ultimately, the controversy over universal suffrage resulted in the schism between Stone and her camp and the Stanton-Anthony coalition discussed above.
Biblical criticism of any sort was relatively new, having been initiated in mid-nineteenth-century Germany by thinkers like Johann Gottfried Eichhorn —Wilhelm Martin Leberecht de Wette — and Julius Wellhausen — The idea of a largely secular examination of the Bible that investigated its implications, flaws and shortcomings as related to women was virtually unthought of.
Stanton and her colleagues took a critical approach to the story of Eve in the Garden of Eden, for instance. First of all, the story is deemed an allegory, not a factual account. Secondly, Eve is praised, rather than blamed, for taking the fruit, because this act demonstrates her thirst for knowledge. Other passages, such as those that recount the marriages of the patriarchs, are discussed so as to reify ideals of marital love.
In both the Old and New Testament passages, Stanton and her contributors highlight and heighten the role of the women in question.
In this sense, Stanton sowed the seed of cultural feminism—the ideal that women bring a special perspective and set of values to their participation in society. Therefore they bring a special set of values that needs to be recognized, understood, and appreciated.
The effort was a success on this level. It also paved the way for future work for and by women in religion in the twentieth century. Second wave feminists in the s and s, who were struggling for the full ordination of women in the Christian and Jewish traditions, relied heavily on this early work of early feminist criticism by Stanton. Academic women in the same era were inspired by her example and produced more modern and academically rigorous works that scrutinized sacred texts and religious traditions from a feminist perspective as well.
Despite her own religious skepticism, Stanton would have been heartened to have seen a future in which over half of the students in mainstream Protestant seminaries are women, and the ordination of women is commonplace in liberal Protestant and Jewish traditions. Access to the vote and the ability to hold public office would allow women to speak for themselves and act on their own behalf.
If they are dissatisfied with the laws governing marriage and divorce, then give them voting rights and let them change such laws.